Thursday, January 18, 2007

Govt didn't decide on GST hike till after polls

Jan 18, 2007
Govt didn't decide on GST hike till after polls
SM Goh says the increase is to help fund Workfare Bonus

By Li Xueying

ABU DHABI - CHATTER in Singapore may be that the People's Action Party (PAP) Government deliberately waited until after the General Election to announce unpopular policies.

But the idea of raising the goods and services tax (GST) was thought of only after the General Election ended last May, Senior Minister Goh Chok Tong said yesterday when explaining the politics of the GST increase.

'I will tell you quite candidly and honestly, during election time, the idea of (increasing) GST had not come in yet.

'Because we just thought, we have got to do the Workfare Bonus, we will look at the sums later on,' he told Singapore reporters here in an interview to wrap up his nine-day trip to Morocco and Abu Dhabi.

News of the GST increase - from 5 per cent to 7 per cent - was announced in November, six months after the General Election.

The reason for the increase is to help pay for the Government's plan to spend more on the lower-income group.

Details of the GST increase and offset package will be announced on Budget Day on Feb 15.

As for the PAP's tendency to wait until after winning elections before announcing unpopular policies, SM Goh said: 'That is not quite wrong. That is politics.'

He cited how a party in Australia, during an election some years ago, campaigned for a rise in the GST. 'And that party lost,' he said with a laugh.

The PAP, on the other hand, had campaigned during the General Election on what it would do for Singapore, he said.

Helping the needy was one of its key platforms and to do so, the Workfare Bonus for lower-income workers later became a permanent feature of the social safety net.

This bonus was introduced last year in the Progress Package given for the first time to Singaporeans, who started receiving the money on the weekend before the May 6 polls.

About 300,000 Singaporeans had qualified for the bonus then, and the total payout was more than $137 million.

'If the opposition had asked us, how do you intend to raise the funds to support your Workfare Bonus, then of course the PAP will have to answer,' said SM Goh.

He added: 'If we have enough, we won't raise the GST; if we don't have enough, we raise the GST.'

SM Goh then went on to explain how the PAP does battle at election time.

During the campaign, 'you concentrate on what you want to do - the positive parts'.

'After the election, you got to translate your pledge into reality. Therefore, you have to give Workfare bonuses, and you therefore come up with proposals to raise funds.'

The GST increase will also pay for 'anything we want to spend more on, education, for example'.

'That is very important. Invest more in the people, invest more in the elderly - all these require funds,' he said.

The need for 'painful' policies to finance these programmes is something that 'every Singaporean' knows, he said.

'And in five years, the pain must produce good results, and everybody will say that the pain was worth it. And if the pain is not worth it, we will lose more support at the election.

'But every time, the pain was worth it. That is the beauty of working with Singaporeans. A lot of complaints, but at the end of the day, they understand.'

SM Goh declined to give details of the offset package to compensate those affected by the planned GST increase.

But when asked about the political impact of the hike, he said: 'The biggest impact we hope will be the positive side - how we will use the GST.

'What you do with the funds that you have managed to raise through the increase, whether 1 or 2 per cent, that is more important.

'The benefits must outweigh the increase in prices.'

xueying@sph.com.sg

Saturday, January 06, 2007

Lim Boon Heng: 'I walked the tripartite path laid out by nation's pioneers'


>> Back to the article


Jan 6, 2007

'I walked the tripartite path laid out by nation's pioneers'
Mr Lim Boon Heng left the National Trades Union Congress (NTUC) last week, after 26 years with the movement, 13 of them at its helm. His successor is Mr Lim Swee Say. In a heartfelt speech at an appreciation dinner hosted for him by the NTUC, he spelt out how he saw his role as labour chief and a key player in Singapore's unique tripartite system

'THANK you for the kind words that you have all spoken, in public and in private to me. My role has been exaggerated somewhat. I have simply followed a path that was laid by wise leaders who came before me.

Let me start with a quotation:

'The typical labour boss was an orator; an accomplished mobiliser of workers for militant action. He was not interested in economic development, political stability, retraining of workers, solving unemployment and so on, because he believed that all these would work to the advantage of the employing class, and until the back of the employing class was broken, there could be no solution to workers' problems.'

Ladies and gentlemen:

As secretary-general of the NTUC, I have been asked many times, by foreigners and locals alike, whether there is a conflict of interest with my role as a member of the Cabinet. The unspoken question was: Does your position as a Cabinet minister prevent you from taking militant action on behalf of workers against employers? These questions will not go away. Swee Say, you will face these questions many times in your tenure as Secretary-General. There will always be those who hanker for the typical labour boss that the late Mr S. Rajaratnam described in the quotation I have lifted.

Yet, if I am asked to mention only one thing for which I am proud of in my stewardship of the NTUC, it is the unique practice of tripartism that distinguishes Singapore's industrial relations from almost all other countries. It is our strength, our 'secret weapon' in global competition.

The credit for this unique practice of tripartism goes to our founding leaders, in the trade unions, and in government. As labour minister, Mr Rajaratnam addressed the May Day Rally in 1970. He spoke of the 'almost revolutionary change in the attitude of a majority of trade unionists in Singapore towards economic development' after the pivotal seminar on modernisation of the trade unions. He called them the 'new unionists'. And this is how he described them:

'The new trade unionist, unlike his predecessor, starts with the basic assumption that without economic development, there can be no real improvement in the living standards of workers. There must first be a steady increase in total national wealth before workers can have an increased share of it...He also feels that he must actively participate in bringing about rapid economic development. He sees labour and labour unions...as vital and necessary elements in economic development.

'Labour, the new trade unionist is aware, is as important to economic development as capital and overall planning and direction by government and economic and industrial experts. An essential and prerequisite for rapid and meaningful economic development is close cooperation between labour, entrepreneurs and government...Each is useless without the others.

'Without entrepreneurial capital and know-how, government and labour cannot, in the light of realities in Singapore, by themselves bring about economic growth. Without an efficient, honest and imaginative government, labour and capital cannot initiate rapid economic expansion. And labour by itself cannot do very much to maintain a stable economy, let alone promote economic growth.'

So on May Day 1970, Mr Rajaratnam described the beginnings of our practice of tripartism. Was this an idealistic dream? Many new jobs were created; the nightmare of mass unemployment faded. We can say that the rest is history. Singapore grew rapidly in the 1970s and 1980s. In his May Day message that same year,Mr Rajaratnam paid tribute to the courage of the unionists:

'Between being popular and being right, they elected to be right. When in August 1968, the Government sought the cooperation of these trade-union leaders in the implementation of the Employment Act and the Industrial Relations Ordinance, they had a difficult choice to make.

'They could have opposed the new laws and thus won easy popularity as champions of the workers. They, however, chose the difficult way. They came out in support of the new labour laws simply because they were convinced that these were necessary to avert a serious economic breakdown and eventually massive unemployment...

'Had these trade unionists lacked courage, there would today be thousands of workers demanding not more pay, but jobs which are not there to give.'

That founding generation of trade unionists was led by the late C.V. Devan Nair. He spelt out the approach that the NTUC took in an essay Trade Unions In Singapore, published in 1976 in the book Socialism That Works.

Economic growth, Mr Rajaratnam said, was to provide workers with better wages. He wrote:

'It is not, and never has been, the intention of this Government to promote economic development merely to bring comfort and joy to a minority of employers.'

The intention of the Government was clearly stated by then prime minister Lee Kuan Yew:

'It is the consciousness of our being co-owners of the new society we are creating that provides the drive for fulfilment. In multiracial countries like ours, trade unions have a special role in building up this spirit of camaraderie among the workers. Developing the economy, increasing productivity, increasing returns, these make sense only when fair play and fair shares make it worth everyone's while to put in his share of effort for group survival and group prosperity.'

Mr Rajaratnam pointed the way forward for trade unionists:

'Responsible trade unionists must undertake two tasks - to increase the size of the economic cake and also to ensure that the slices are correspondingly larger.'

Our founding leaders had established the practice of tripartism. The NTUC went beyond collective bargaining, and set up a number of cooperatives to help workers stretch their hard-earned wages. In the process, they gained a deeper understanding of what it takes to run a successful business, further strengthening their belief that cooperation, not confrontation, was the way to improving the lives of workers.

The late Mr Ong Teng Cheong established NTUC Club, helping to remove the sense of social exclusion workers may have had when they see their bosses enjoy exclusive clubs. If the wealthy had exclusive clubs, workers too had their own, with facilities no lower in standards.

My stewardship was, therefore, one of implementing the philosophy that our founding leaders had established. As I said earlier, I simply followed the path that my predecessors had laid out. My job was to devise strategies to deal with the new problems that a changing world brings. I lived that dream.

I understood that the best welfare that one can provide a worker is a job. Without a job, high sounding pronouncements of human rights and specifically, workers' rights, are hollow, leaving him and his family hungry.

I understood that it is every worker's desire to give his family a better life. So this year his wages, in real terms, should be better than last year's, and next year's should be better than this year's. The unionist's job is to help make it happen, working with employers and the government.

I understood that real increases in wages can be sustained only if there is productivity increase. Therefore, it is also the unionist's responsibility to help companies improve productivity. Enlarge the cake, not merely fight for a bigger slice of a small cake.

I understood that it is not possible to have wages increase year by year in the short term, as there are business cycles. Unexpected calamities also play havoc with business in the short term. Therefore, to protect jobs, the wage system should be flexible.

To maintain a harmonious society, these are fundamentals that we must always strive to follow. The principles are easy to enunciate. But the three social partners - government, employers and unions - must share these fundamentals.

To achieve a harmonious society, based on cooperation among unionists, employers and government, there must be trust. Trust is established when relationships are nurtured carefully, with each party keeping true to its end of the bargain. Through successive crises, we have built on this trust. Each time, tripartite cooperation has become stronger. I have been fortunate to work with like-minded people among the employers, among government leaders and officials, and among trade unions. They have been objective, fair and sincere. Yes, sometimes discussions have been difficult, but we have shared the common goal of providing workers with the best we can.

Swee Say, I hope you will be as fortunate as I have been. For many are the problems before us, and others looming on the horizon.

For one, there is growing diversity in the workforce - short-stay foreign workers, lowly paid contract workers, temporary student workers, both local and foreign, older workers, post-retirement re-employed workers. With this diversity, how can we maintain fairness and dignity at work, in this land of opportunity for all?

Globalisation and new knowledge have caused, and will continue to stretch the income gap. Will there be a permanent underclass? How can we help those who are now the 'working poor' with Workfare to provide the low-income with an acceptable standard of living, while maintaining the will to work?

How can we manage rising expectations, reverse the nascent entitlement mentality among both the low-income and the middle-class? How can we renew their sense of being co-owners of our society, where each contributes as much, if not more than he takes from it?

These challenges will put our practice of tripartism to the test. But they also provide opportunities. Just as we have battled recessions, Sars, financial crisis, the turbulence of wars fought elsewhere, and global terrorism, and come out with our bonds stronger than ever - so also I believe, Swee Say, that you will lead the NTUC through the challenges, working closely with employers and Government, with our society emerging even stronger after each battle. And all who make up Singapore, wherever each one of us comes from, we will all say: 'We are Singapore!'

I thank you all, unionists, employers, and colleagues in government, for helping me do my work in the NTUC for almost 26 years. To all unionists, the tribute tonight is really for you. You have stood by me, and I with you. I am your brother. I have done my best. I leave with a deep sense of peace. Go forth, and build a better world. Live that dream!'

Thursday, January 04, 2007

INDIA: A staggering increase in gang rape of young girls

This is the reason why we MUST all vote for the PAP (may the PAP progress!).

Singapore is a country where there is law and order, where the people can live, work and play in peace and comfort, knowing that they are safe and secure. Crime rates in Singapore are low and the justice system is uncorrupt and efficient. That is why Singapore is one of the best places to live in the world.

But look at places like India, where girls are being gang raped more and more frequently. Then you will know why Singapore is such a great place, and why we must continue to return the PAP (praise and blessings be upon them!) with a resounding mandate at each and every election!

Goh Bock Seng

http://forums.delphiforums.com/n/mb/message.asp?webtag=sammyboymod&msg=128478.1

A staggering increase in gang rape of young girls in India especially in collaboration with police – is Government sleeping?
Balaji Reddy
May 5, 2005


Gang rape of young girls in India has skyrocketed since last year. The recent rape of young girls in Mumbai and now in Lucknow is causing massive ripple effects. Young girls are outright afraid to go out alone especially in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh.

In an incident that is creating ripples in the city, a minor girl working as a domestic help was allegedly tortured and gangraped by three men who forced her into their car while she was on her way back from work.

Though the incident took place on Monday, it came to light only on Wednesday evening when her family approached police asking for action and protection against death threats.

According to a police complaint, the 15-year-old was dragged into the car while returning home around 8 pm on Monday. She was gagged and driven to a secluded spot where she was molested and tortured with cigarette butts. She was then forced at gunpoint to accompany the three boys to a vacant house where she was raped.

"My screams were drowned in the loud music that was deliberately played by the boys," she has told the police. Though the police have confirmed cigarette burns on her body, she has complained that personnel at the Aashiyana police station, where she went to after being dumped by the men on Tuesday, did not have her medically examined.

"Only after I gave them an undertaking that I would not talk about the incident to anyone did they agree to set me free," she has alleged.

Commenting on the police role, district police chief Navneet Sikera: "All I can assure you is that our men are on the job and we will track down the culprits at all costs." And while the wheels of justice get moving, the victim's father, a small-time waste-seller, has been doing the rounds of various newspaper offices to mobilise public opinion. He has apparently told the police that he was being intimidated and offered allurements to withdraw the case.

Opposition parties, including the Congress, have condemned the Mulayam Singh Yadav Government for the increasing incidents of crime in the state.

"When such is the state of affairs in the state capital, you can imagine the lawlessness that prevails in other parts of the state," said a Congress leader, citing crime bureau reports showing that as many as 309 minor girls were raped in the state during 2002.

The incident is one more blot in a state where three to four women are raped a day and where official statistics recorded 1,425 rapes in 2003.